The Return of Geopolitics in Europe? (Cambridge Studies in International Relations)

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Social Mechanisms and Foreign Policy Identity Crises. Edited by Stefano Guzzini, Danish Institute for International Studies and Uppsala University. By Alexander Astrov, Andreas Behnke, Pinar Bilgin, Elisabetta Brighi, Petr Drulák, Stefano Guzzini, Merje Kuus, Natalia Morozova. - The Return of Geopolitics in Europe?: Cambridge Studies in International Relations is a joint initiative of cambridge university press and.

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The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction. The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan.

Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society.

The return of geopolitics in Europe? : Social mechanisms and foreign policy identity crises

RU EN Search. Advanced search. HSE University. RU EN. Higher School of Economics. Priority areas business informatics economics engineering science humanitarian IT and mathematics law management mathematics sociology state and public administration.

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Culture and Research of Memory. Per Aspera — But Headed Where? Russian doctoral school — that only recently switched to the model of structured programmes — is once again at a crossroads. Which is better: the new model or traditional mentoring? At the event, HSE specialists presented their latest research in science, technology and innovation policy, long-term science foresight, and global trend monitoring.

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Book The Return of Geopolitics in Europe? Editor-in-chief: S. Russia: geopolitics from the heartland. Morozova N.

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In bk. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Research target: Political Science including International Relations.

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Language: English. Keywords: Cold War classical geopolitics critical geopolitics realism European post-Cold War security foreign policy identity constructivism. Competing approaches: neorealism versus constructivism in Ukrainian crisis. Zverev A. ISSN The paper aims to identify key ideas, terms and assumptions and also to trace the development of two most cited methodological approaches in international relations theory. The book has three features to its exposition about the geopolitical revival that I find particularly meritorious.

In the first place, the individual country chapters make a good case for what it is about the old geopolitics that is most redolent in the new versions and thereby what accounts, to a certain degree, for their reception. Guzzini also notes this at some length. This is the centrality of Social Darwinist notions of statehood to both old and new versions. Going well beyond the strictures of a typical realist conception of international politics, states are viewed in this perspective as engaged in a struggle for existence against one another.

Ironically, perhaps, in an era of globalisation this sort of thinking has logic to it. We need to think this way if the depredations of foreign influence are to be resisted. So, it is territorialised conflict between naturalised states that lies at the core of neo-classical geopolitics rather than recourse to global geopolitical models involving heartlands, choke points, cordons sanitaires and so on. Absent both crises and genres, no revival is possible.

The crisis of Russian identity following the end of the Cold War led to a resurrection of tropes and actions reflecting them that most commentators had thought long dead. Yet, the new version is distinctive from the old in that its civilisational claims are more ethnic-identity related than imperial in the Czarist or Soviet senses Galeotti and Bowen, In contradistinction to classical geopolitics, the revived versions of geopolitics display a third feature that the book interrogates carefully.

This is that they are more geocultural than geopolitical: the references to classical geopolitics seem as much legitimising as constitutive of the new discourse. The geopolitical references usually seem to reflect the projection of local worries involving cultural change, immigration, political and economic decline, national exceptionalism under threat, declining average life expectancy, and so on, onto the international plane rather than the imposition of physical-geographical demands or destiny, as such, upon the state in question.

The case study of Estonia shows how it has taken root there to justify suspicion of Russia, on the one hand, and the preference for a western-oriented gaze, on the other. Domestic anxieties drive neo-classical geopolitics more than does the global spatial advantage or disadvantage central to the designs of Halford Mackinder or Karl Haushofer. From a geographical perspective, the book is missing much by way of explanation for the incidence of the revival. I would have probably had more to say about the material political-economic differences between the various countries and spent much more energy on the relative historical power differences between the countries in explaining the incidence of neo-classical geopolitics. In the first regard, and by way of example, Russia and the Czech Republic are hardly material-geographical equivalents: they differ vastly in area and population and they have very different types of economy; the former is a territorialised rentier economy based largely around oil and gas extraction, whereas the latter has a much more vital manufacturing economy now integrated into global supply chains.

These are major differences that lead to markedly different collective evaluations of the virtues of globalisation and consumer capitalism, as well as to the possibility of autarkic separation from the rest of the world. Cooley, — Perhaps more importantly, and in the second regard, the history of the states in question in terms of their positionality within previous geopolitical orders strikes me as vital to understanding the relative importance of neo-classical geopolitical discourse once the Cold War order collapsed. Thus, Russia and Germany are not geopolitical equivalents to Estonia and the Czech Republic by any stretch of the imagination.

Germany, of course, is where classical geopolitics took strongest root but with the deadliest of consequences.

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Kaum ist die Einheit da, schickt man deutsche Soldaten zur Front. Scritti e Discorsi di Benito Mussolini. Tallinn: Estonian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Yet in the post-Cold War period many European countries have experienced a resurgence of a distinctively realist tradition: geopolitics. European Foreign Affairs Review , 15 4 , —

Since the end of the Second World War, formal geopolitical argumentation has been strictly off-the-record. Russia, used to the pretence of being the global second superpower and long regarded as its equivalent by the USA, notwithstanding what we now know about the sorry condition of its economy and military by the s , has faced a very different situation in being reduced in status but without the absolute defeat and rebirth experienced by Germany in and after US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO actions in the s and early s also increased the suspicion of Russian leaders that they were being both encircled and isolated from their previous sphere of influence.

They have some real empirical basis for thinking this Deudney and Ikenberry, Most of all, however, I would have had much more to say about how geopolitical imaginations such as those surveyed in the book are about projecting the causes of all conflicts into the international realm beyond the confines of the state in question. The whole point is to occlude the role of other geographical scales, such as the local and national, in the problems and dilemmas facing national populations. It is therefore always and everywhere a depoliticisation strategy: to project the causes of our discontent beyond state borders.

Of course, this contemporaneous dilemma must be situated within a longstanding geopolitical discourse of cultural difference and geopolitical persecution. Of course, as is well known, the English King Henry V was here before, as Shakespeare made clear in his play named for him. Our problems are not even partly of our own making. Action from over the horizon dictates our fate. Foreigners are to blame. However, it is even more remarkable in how poorly it illuminates essential aspects of its topic because of what it simply omits from consideration.

The book divides itself into two parts. This is an extremely interesting and important topic, both for theory and practice. Recent events in Crimea, occurring after this book was published, further heighten the timeliness and importance of this topic, as well as the potential practical value of insights that scholars of the political and international can provide.