il faut tuer Lewis Winter (POLICIERS) (French Edition)

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Last Summer, four onneiouts were killed by their comrades, while Drunken; yet this accident did not make the others any wiser. These are just what were described by Arthur Young; and although it is possible, as the natives uniformly affirm, that the agriculture has improved since the revolution, this improvement must be in the details of the operations, and in the extent of land under tillage, not in the principles of the art. The effect of the whole was increased by the perfect stillness which everywhere prevailed, broken only at intervals by the slow step of the sentinel, as he paced his rounds, or the sweeter sounds of those beautiful airs, which, in a far distant country, recalled to the Russian soldier the joys and the happiness of his native land. This is furnished by Thomas Morel, a mission priest of the Seminary of Quebec. Marxists since the 19th century have written extensively about how labor conditions us.

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Alcools (Athlone French Poets) (French Edition)

All these instances of violent refusal had commonalities and differences. They took place in a volatile context where soldiers grasped at rumors and news that seemed to indicate the possibility of an end to the war, justifying efforts and attempts at collective action. But they were also constrained by a disciplinarian apparatus that remained efficient, and most of all by a military setting that prevented prolonged protest, as units were scattered, and could not abandon their positions without risk to themselves and their comrades.

This explains why most cases of protest took place among troops ordered back to the lines rather than among those in actual combat situation, where, apart from truces, disobedience was simply not an option. Finally, the year showed a continued rise in desertion, which can be seen through two major cases.

This military collapse was the fate of the Ottoman army. By December , over , of its men - around one in eight - had deserted, because of military exhaustion, lack of pay, nourishment and clothing. The year saw intensified fighting, as a renewed war of movement ultimately led to the military collapse of Austria-Hungary and Germany. Faced in with military protest and revolutionary risk, many political leaders pursued peace initiatives, internal the "Peace resolution" of the Reichstag in July and external "peace feelers" and covert negotiations.

In a further political shift, shattering the political truces of , new governments were formed - by Georges Clemenceau in France, Georg von Hertling in Germany, and Vittorio Orlando in Italy, for instance, all taking charge in October or November - with a renewed commitment to war until victory, leading to the repression of dissent and pacifism. This also led to attempts at ideological remobilization in the army, such as "patriotic instruction" in Germany or "political education" among British troops.

But the prospect of peace was redefined in the " Fourteen points " speech of American President Woodrow Wilson on 8 January , drawing considerable attention as it provided a new vocabulary with which to oppose the war, on liberal and national grounds. Most importantly, peace had actually been attained on the eastern front, with the Brest-Litovsk armistice 15 December and peace 3 March This had a major, if paradoxical, impact on the Central powers.

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Indeed, Germany and Austria-Hungary, despite dire social and economic conditions, and growing anti-war movements, began the year with strong positions on the western front, huge territorial gains on the Italian front following Caporetto, and complete victory over Russia in the east. This, however, was a partial cause for further refusal of the war.

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Mutineers hoisted red flags and placed political demands for democratization, national emancipation and peace on the basis of the "Fourteen points. In the Austro-Hungarian army, many men expected to be released from service in the spring of due to the victories in the east. When ordered back to the front, they undertook open revolts, leading to drastic increases in desertion , deserters in the summer of The final German offensives, starting on 21 March , initiated the last stage of the war, seven months of mobile warfare that made open revolt or fraternization implausible, and that eventually led to the military disintegration of the German and Austro-Hungarian armies.

The behavior of soldiers during these spring attacks is not easy to interpret, as there are sure signs of remobilization, combatants on each side being conscious that victory and defeat were directly at stake. In Germany, initial optimism was generally high, [83] even if some soldiers proved reluctant to be transferred towards the western front.

Similarly, British troops, once recovered from the initial shock, also proved resilient. But these attacks took their toll on already exhausted troops. They also led to panics or massive surrenders among the defenders 21, for the British on 21 March , a hitherto unseen figure [85] and to discouragement and disillusion among the attackers.

The summer of , with the successful allied counteroffensives beginning on 18 July marked a final turning point. There were instances of refusal on the allied side, with Australian troops of the 59 th battalion and then 1 st battalion refusing to advance because they were not "getting a fair deal" on 5 and 21 September A chronological overview cannot fully explain the subtle variations of obedience and disobedience, of acceptance and refusal in the different armies.

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Once they became soldiers, choices were limited by the very context of war, and especially by the proximity of fire and danger. In the front lines, war is a physical reality that can hardly be escaped.

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Their will to fight was also largely derived from appropriate training, as it helped them overcome their fears, uncertainties and inadequacies. A third military factor that influenced acceptance and refusal was the management of manpower, and of rest. A key element in attempts to maintain high cohesion among fighting troops was the presence of experienced and trusted officers.

As seen before, officer-men relations go a long way in determining attitudes towards the war, as even skeptic or indifferent soldiers could be swayed by charismatic and efficacious officers.

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In a letter to his parents on 20 August , an otherwise wary French recruit wrote of his captain: "I would get myself killed for such a man. Motivation for offensives was more easily obtained when combatants felt that appropriate material preparations were made, with regard to artillery guns, or new weapons such as tanks. These played a part in the cautious optimism of many French soldiers before the spring offensive, as did the special training received by some German troops before the final offensives.

The men who entered the war in had very different sets of beliefs and ideals. For some, war found a natural place in a nationalist or patriotic world view; for others, it was difficult to renounce pacifist ideals, whether derived from religious or political liberal, socialist ideals. In some cases, these views directly influenced their war experience and their degree of acceptance. One must first take into account the numerous cases of men whose volunteering corresponded to political ideals.

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In , around 15, foreigners living in France or abroad volunteered in the French army, in some cases in order to become French citizens, but sometimes for relatively abstract political ideals, like the "defense of the Enlightenment and the Rights of man" which prompted some Peruvian, Chilean or Brazilian enlistments or the formation of a "Garibaldian" corps from then neutral Italy. Things were more difficult for pacifists at the outbreak of war, especially where conscientious objection was not recognized. In France, relatively few working-class socialists were present in the trenches, being more useful in armament and munitions factories; but what records remain of socialist and pacifist trajectories in the front lines show men willing to fight yet still acting as "bootleggers of socialist culture" reading pamphlets out loud or writing to their deputies.

Even where conscientious objection was recognized Germany and Russia in , Britain from , the USA from , opposition on political and ideological grounds proved extremely difficult. Many religious exemptions were given, for instance to Quakers, but tribunals often judged applicants with harshness. In Britain, there were approximately 16, objectors, of whom 10, accepted to serve in non-combatant duties.